{"id":1401605,"date":"2026-07-06T13:59:14","date_gmt":"2026-07-06T10:59:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/uatv.ua\/?p=1401605"},"modified":"2026-07-06T14:03:45","modified_gmt":"2026-07-06T11:03:45","slug":"the-russian-army-is-collapsing-from-within-interviwe-with-anna-danylchuk","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/uatv.ua\/en\/the-russian-army-is-collapsing-from-within-interviwe-with-anna-danylchuk\/","title":{"rendered":"The Russian Army Is Collapsing From Within, \u2014 Interview with Anna Danylchuk"},"content":{"rendered":"

Russia is losing more service members than it can recruit, while occupied Crimea is sinking deeper into crisis due to power outages, fuel shortages, and broken logistics. In this episode journalist and blogger Anna Danylchuk<\/strong> analyzes why the Kremlin\u2019s myth of a \u201cCrimean fortress\u201d is beginning to crumble, what is happening to the morale of the Russian army, and why Russian servicemen increasingly choose desertion or prison over the front. <\/p>\n

In this exclusive interview<\/a>, we also discuss the failure of contract recruitment, the risk of a new mobilization, Ukraine\u2019s strikes on refineries and military factories, and the economic problems that could become critical for Putin\u2019s system.<\/p>\n

\u2014 So the blockade of Crimea comes first. Just this week, occupied Crimea entered a state of emergency because of blackouts and fuel shortages. Several cities reportedly spent days without electricity. Starting on July 8, Russia is reducing the number of trains crossing the Kerch Bridge from eighteen per day to just seven. On top of that, there are reports of strikes on power substations in Crimea. So my question is this: for more than a decade, Russia marketed Crimea as an impregnable fortress. A state of emergency caused by electricity and fuel shortages certainly does not sound impregnable to me. Is this already evidence of a structural breakdown, or is Russia simply having a bad month?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 Well, I think Russia is going to have many bad months ahead. Crimea has always been enormously important because it served as a showcase, almost like an advertisement or a movie trailer, that the Kremlin used to sell the so-called special military operation to the Russian public. Everything happened very quickly in 2014. Ukraine was repeatedly advised not to escalate and not to defend itself too forcefully. And, to be honest, back then we simply did not have the army, the capabilities, or the experience that we have today. Putin and his mafia circle successfully sold Crimea as a great success story, and once that narrative was accepted, it became much easier for them to launch military operations against Donetsk and Luhansk from the peninsula.<\/p>\n

What many people also forget is that Crimea remains absolutely critical to Russian military logistics. That means the problems Russia is now experiencing there matter not only psychologically but also militarily. I regularly watch Russian military bloggers because it is important to understand how your opponent thinks. More and more of them openly admit that occupying territory does not mean controlling it. They increasingly discuss villages that Russia captures only after sacrificing thousands of soldiers, yet gains almost nothing strategically. Now even Crimea, once portrayed as Putin\u2019s greatest success, has become part of that discussion. The occupation authorities may still be physically present, but they no longer fully control the situation on the peninsula.<\/p>\n

One of the greatest Ukrainian achievements in this war, and one that receives far too little international attention, is the level of control Ukrainian forces now exercise over the land corridor leading into Crimea. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Throughout history, many military thinkers have emphasized that whoever controls this corridor effectively controls the peninsula itself. That is precisely what we are witnessing today. Ukraine is preparing the conditions for an extremely important logistical campaign against Russian forces in Crimea. At the same time, we are dismantling one of Putin\u2019s central myths \u2014 the image of himself as the great gatherer of Russian lands. Perhaps it would be more accurate now to call him the great loser of lands.<\/p>\n

\u2014 Let me play devil\u2019s advocate for a moment. Russia still has a massive economy. It can reroute resources. It has survived years of Western sanctions, and it has built alternative logistics through Mariupol. They may not be perfect, but they exist. Aren\u2019t we perhaps celebrating what is only a temporary logistical problem? What makes you confident that this represents a long-term structural collapse rather than an issue they can simply repair within a few weeks? From your perspective today, what gives you that confidence?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 Well, from my perspective, we are discussing this four and a half years after what was supposed to be a three-day blitzkrieg, and that fact alone says a great deal. We always knew sanctions would have a cumulative effect. In the beginning, Russia still had substantial financial reserves that allowed it to cushion the impact. But today even its National Wealth Fund is approaching exhaustion. At the same time, Ukraine continues receiving political, financial, and military support from the European Union, the United States, and many other partners. Russia does not enjoy that advantage. Even when it receives missiles or soldiers from North Korea, it pays dearly for them. These are not genuine allies. In the world of predators, there are no real friends.<\/p>\n

What we are witnessing today is the condition of the Russian Federation after four and a half years of full-scale war and decades of aggressive military campaigns against Ukraine, Georgia, and others. Russia is weaker in every measurable dimension. Politically, it is far less stable than it was in 2022. More and more Russians now realize that Putin launched his so-called special military operation claiming it would protect Russia through preemptive action. Instead, Russian territory itself is now experiencing drone strikes, internet shutdowns, and attacks that reach even the capital. Russians are not stupid. They may be misled, but they understand that reality no longer resembles what they were promised.<\/p>\n

Russia is also facing growing military difficulties because Ukraine continues destroying industrial facilities and military production sites. We are now striking targets deep beyond the Urals \u2014 places that, during Soviet times, were considered completely untouchable. These regions once housed relocated military industries because they were believed to be permanently safe. Now Ukraine, a country Russian propaganda claimed did not even exist, is reaching factories located in cities once known as the great Soviet “tank cities.” That has had an enormous psychological effect. According to discussions among Russian military bloggers and even internal polling, these Ukrainian strikes deep inside Russia have generated more panic than even the Kursk operation or the attacks on Moscow.<\/p>\n

Public support is visibly declining. Economic problems are becoming impossible to ignore. Even the governor of the Central Bank, who had long been regarded as one of the few competent professionals in the Russian government, disappeared from public view for an extended period, perhaps recognizing how serious the situation has become. At the same time, Russia is struggling to recruit volunteers. It increasingly faces the prospect of broader mobilization while simultaneously lacking sufficient funds to continue paying the enormous signing bonuses that previously attracted contract soldiers.<\/p>\n

So yes, Russia today is in a much worse position than it was several years ago. The most realistic comparison is not between expectations and reality, but between where both countries stood in 2022 and where they stand today in 2026. Ukraine is stronger. Ukraine is more confident. It possesses an expanding arsenal of domestically produced weapons that it can employ without seeking anyone\u2019s permission. Ukrainian society remains united. We may disagree internally on many issues, but we can openly discuss them. It is far easier to endure nightly missile attacks when you know the truth, when you understand the situation, and when you are free to speak with one another.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, many Russians openly complain that they often learn about attacks, destruction, or even impending strikes on Russian territory by following Ukrainian Telegram channels because their own authorities refuse to tell them the truth. That is their reality today. And if we honestly compare Ukraine and Russia as they were in 2022 with where they are in 2026, I believe the direction of this war has changed quite clearly in Ukraine’s favor.<\/p>\n

\u2014 Well, the question is really this: is the pressure actually changing what the Kremlin can do militarily out of Crimea, or is it primarily becoming a quality-of-life crisis for civilians living there? To add to that, if we’re talking about the front lines, they remain extremely important and continue to determine the course of the war.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 Militarily, first of all, although every inch of Ukrainian territory matters deeply to me as a Ukrainian, the front line itself is not moving dramatically at the moment. Independent observers, including the Institute for the Study of War and DeepState, are no longer reporting the kind of Russian advances that we saw before. Even inside Russia, commentators have begun acknowledging that Putin has postponed his promise to seize the entire Donbas at least fifteen times. Many of the Kremlin\u2019s false narratives about the situation on the front have simply collapsed. Of course, Ukraine is still suffering, and unfortunately Russian attacks will continue. But the fact that we are now disrupting Russian logistics through Crimea and the southern regions is strategically significant. There are even discussions about Russian forces potentially withdrawing from the Kinburn Spit. We cannot independently confirm that, but overall the situation today is considerably better than it was in the summer of 2025. Ukraine is gradually regaining territory, and, most importantly, I believe Russia has already reached the limit of what it can realistically achieve. After four and a half years of what was supposed to be a three-day operation, it has failed to secure even a small portion of what it originally promised.<\/p>\n

That may also explain why Putin is unwilling to end the war. Even many of his own allies, including hardline Russian imperialists, are beginning to argue that it is time to stop because they recognize the growing pressure inside Russia. I hesitate to call Russians a society just yet, but the tension is clearly increasing. More and more Russian military personnel are openly criticizing their commanders. I’m sure you’ve seen the video by the so-called veteran of the so-called special military operation, Alexander, who publicly criticized the Russian command. The issues he described are real.<\/p>\n

\u2014 I hear another argument quite often. Some people say civilians are the ones suffering from blackouts in Crimea and Russia, while military facilities and radar stations simply switch to heavy-duty backup generators. So even if Putin is prepared to leave ordinary people without electricity in order to keep the military functioning, does this blockade actually reduce Russia’s combat capability? Or are we mainly witnessing a humanitarian problem with only a limited impact on the battlefield? I’m asking because these are questions people genuinely have, and perhaps you can explain.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 First of all, many people understandably struggle to accept the reality of war. Sometimes I find it remarkable that even some of Ukraine’s strongest supporters still avoid using the word “war.” But war is always terrible, and it always affects civilians. I am actually proud that Ukrainian military operations are designed in such a way that they avoid targeting Russian civilians, even if many of them support Putin. Ukraine follows the laws of armed conflict.<\/p>\n

There is another important perspective that people should understand. A friend of mine who escaped occupied Melitopol once told me that every time she heard explosions caused by Ukrainian strikes, she felt hope because she knew Ukraine was fighting to liberate her hometown. The truly devastating moment came whenever there were no explosions because that meant the occupation had become stable. There are many people in Crimea today who are waiting to be liberated. You can even hear them calling Russian hotlines, openly telling officials that Russia will lose. Temporary problems such as power outages or water shortages are certainly difficult, but they are not fatal. Ukrainians experienced very similar hardships last winter. We adapted, and we survived. Many people are prepared to endure these temporary sacrifices if they ultimately lead to freedom, democracy, and the return of Crimea to Ukraine instead of remaining under what I would call Kremlin rule.<\/p>\n

If people think about the Second World War, they will remember that many European countries were liberated only after bombardments, street fighting, and active military operations. That is the reality of war. Ukraine did not start this war, but unfortunately it now has to finish it.<\/p>\n

The military consequences are also very clear. This is about logistics. It is about disrupting supplies to Russian forces not only on the peninsula but throughout southern Ukraine. We know that Russian forces continue committing terror against civilians in Kherson. If Ukraine has an opportunity to weaken the military infrastructure that enables those crimes, why shouldn’t it? Temporary power outages are not comparable to the deliberate killing of civilians. What they really expose is the inability of the occupation authorities to govern effectively.<\/p>\n

I also heard a Russian propagandist argue that if Ukraine considers Crimea its own territory, why would it create problems there by disrupting electricity or water supplies? I thought the best response came from the Ukrainian blogger Kazanskyi. He asked how Russia could possibly justify what it called the “liberation” of Donbas. That slogan launched the entire propaganda campaign, yet Russia has now destroyed much of Donbas itself. If you watch Russian television, they are so determined to capture cities like Sloviansk that they are willing to flatten them completely without any regard for the civilians living there.<\/p>\n

That is the reality of war. Ukraine’s task is to stop this war, and the only way to do so is by defeating and demilitarizing Russia. That is exactly what Ukraine is doing in Crimea. And, after all, Crimea is Ukrainian territory.<\/p>\n

\u2014 This is a Ukrainian special operation forcing Putin toward peace.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Moving from the isolated peninsula of Crimea to the broader picture of the Russian war machine, let’s look at logistics at a time when the Kremlin’s human resources are also approaching a critical tipping point. This brings us to the second part of our discussion: the moral collapse inside the Russian army. We have already talked about the destruction of Russian logistics, including in Crimea, which is even visible in satellite imagery. But there is another phenomenon that cannot be seen on a map. It is happening inside the minds of Russian soldiers. Analytical sources monitoring the internal situation within the Russian army report a steady increase in the number of soldiers trying to escape the war. Some are deserting and voluntarily surrendering to Russian authorities because they believe a prison sentence is preferable to returning to the front. According to some reports, those who can afford it are even hiring lawyers to help facilitate the process.<\/strong><\/p>\n

So, Anna, what does this tell us? Soldiers choosing a Russian prison over the front line\u2014what does that really say about the morale of the Russian army today compared with, say, a year ago?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 In most cases, they have lost all motivation. For many of them, the motivation was always financial. I recently received a comment from someone who told me they had double-checked the information I shared and were surprised to discover that it was true\u2014that a significant percentage of Russian soldiers are former prisoners and convicted criminals who left prison by agreeing to join the so-called special military operation. These people have created an extremely dangerous atmosphere within the Russian army itself.<\/p>\n

One of the biggest internal conflicts today exists between ordinary recruits\u2014people who knew very little and simply wanted to earn money\u2014and hardened criminals who joined the army both to escape prison and to continue their criminal behavior. They commit not only war crimes against Ukrainians but also crimes against their fellow Russian soldiers. That reality was reflected in the viral video by Alexander Loony, who has since been arrested, which only reinforces the impression that what he said was true. The atmosphere inside the Russian army is deeply unhealthy.<\/p>\n

Secondly, Putin no longer has enough money to keep paying these people. Most of them signed contracts because of the financial incentives. By the end of 2025, the majority of Russian regions had already cut those signing bonuses in half because they simply could no longer afford them. The federal budget faces the same problem, and so do regional budgets. Even Russia’s own leading economists, including Nabiullina and the finance ministry, have repeatedly acknowledged that Russia cannot sustain this war financially. Yet Putin cannot stop. He has become obsessed, and I believe more and more people around him recognize that reality. Whether that eventually leads to a palace coup or something similar remains to be seen, but I don’t think we will have to wait very long.<\/p>\n

There is no money left. Russian soldiers see what is happening. They understand it. They experience these meat grinder assaults firsthand. They are robbed by their own commanders and thrown into hopeless situations. They are also invaders. No matter how much Russian propaganda tries to deny it, every human being can feel the difference between defending your own home, your family, your children, your schools\u2014as Ukrainians do\u2014and crossing into another country to commit crimes. You cannot build a healthy military atmosphere on that foundation. Perhaps if this war had really lasted only three days, it would have been psychologically easier for them. But after four and a half years of full-scale war, Russia’s position continues to deteriorate. More and more of them simply want to escape rather than go down with the system.<\/p>\n

\u2014 I understand your point, but let me play devil’s advocate once again. Looking at the numbers, Russia is still managing to deploy hundreds of thousands of troops using these meat grinder tactics. They continue to push forward in certain sectors of the front. So if morale is supposedly so low that soldiers are hiring lawyers just to get sent to prison, why hasn’t the Russian front collapsed completely? Couldn’t these desertion cases simply be isolated incidents amplified by Ukrainian social media rather than evidence of a systemic breakdown?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 First of all, Russia is a much larger country than Ukraine. That was one of the main reasons so many analysts predicted that Ukraine would collapse within three days. Instead, Ukraine has grown stronger while Russia has grown weaker. Russia still possesses enormous human resources. It also continues deceiving new recruits. There are countless jokes circulating on the Russian internet about fake job advertisements\u2014for example, recruiting people as tank operators supposedly serving only inside Russia, when in reality they end up on the battlefield. Others sign contracts believing they will become drivers or cooks and instead find themselves sent directly into assault units.<\/p>\n

Russian soldiers have even invented a nickname for newly mobilized recruits: “weekly soldiers,” because that is roughly how long many of them survive at the front. For those who keep asking difficult questions, it is important to understand that today’s battlefield is largely controlled by drones. Drone operators dominate enormous areas of the front\u2014some observers estimate kill zones extending up to fifty kilometers. Service in drone units has become one of the most desirable positions both in Ukraine and, I believe, increasingly in Russia as well. This is the future of twenty-first century warfare. It is also a reminder to NATO that Ukraine possesses expertise the Alliance desperately needs, while the other countries with comparable experience are its adversaries.<\/p>\n

Drone units generally experience much better conditions, but when Russia launches offensive operations, it still sends conventional infantry into these meat grinder assaults. That is where it suffers the overwhelming majority of its losses. Russia will continue doing this for as long as it can, but its resources are steadily being exhausted. That is exactly what we are observing now.<\/p>\n

I actually appreciate the new KPI-based approach adopted by the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense. When they say the objective is to neutralize fifteen thousand Russian soldiers, it reflects measurable operational goals. For several consecutive months, Ukraine has neutralized more Russian troops than Russia has been able to recruit. That brings us to what I believe is one of the Kremlin’s greatest fears\u2014and one that ordinary Russians share as well: general mobilization.<\/p>\n

If you spend time following Russian military bloggers, you will notice that they increasingly discuss the possibility of border closures with Kazakhstan, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. None of this has been officially confirmed, but they point to unusual movements, increased government activity, infrastructure preparations, and even technical disruptions at border crossings. Their fear is that after the so-called elections, Putin could announce general mobilization while neighboring countries simultaneously tighten border controls, making it impossible for Russian men to flee. That would be his only remaining way to compensate for mounting losses now that both the money and the volunteers are running out.<\/p>\n

As many Russian military bloggers themselves are saying, this could become a very dark autumn for Russia. We’ll see.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

\u2014 But I’m still going to ask a risky question. Is there a danger that Western audiences will soon hear the message that “Russia is running out of soldiers” and conclude that the war is nearing its end, when in reality the situation is much more complicated? This is obviously speculative, but if you had to rate it on a scale from zero to ten, do you think that, say, within the next six months it would be enough for the Russian army to collapse? Let’s speculate for a moment.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 I think the first thing that will collapse is not the Russian army but Russia’s economic front. The situation inside the country will become increasingly tense. I completely agree with those Ukrainian experts who argue that even if the front line were frozen tomorrow, or even if we somehow liberated all of Ukraine’s 1991 borders together with European partners, the danger would not disappear. As long as Putin remains in power, as long as those responsible for war crimes are not punished, and as long as Russia is not seriously demilitarized, they will continue bombing Ukraine. That is exactly what they are doing today.<\/p>\n

In many ways, the war has evolved into what some now call a “war of cities.” Putin launches missile strikes against Kyiv, Ukraine responds by striking legitimate military targets inside Russia, and now even Moscow itself is no longer beyond reach. That alone represents a profound strategic change. Even if we momentarily put the front lines aside, Russian terrorism against Ukrainian cities would continue. That is why I personally do not believe in frozen conflicts or paper agreements. Lasting peace requires much more, including a Ukrainian victory and accountability for Putin, his supporters, Russian propagandists, and war criminals. Otherwise, we are simply postponing another major war, or perhaps allowing it to continue in a hybrid form.<\/p>\n

So, unfortunately, this is not only about the number of Russian soldiers or the situation around Kramatorsk or Sloviansk. It is also about Russia’s missile production, its ability to circumvent sanctions, and its capacity to conduct hybrid operations across the West. All of these dimensions matter. We have to work across every one of them if we want to defeat Russia. The only thing that gives me confidence is that both our military and our political leadership understand this. Unlike many people in Europe, we have stopped deceiving ourselves about the nature of this war.<\/p>\n

\u2014 As journalists, what we really do is give the war a human face. Stories make war personal. But critics might argue that relying too heavily on emotional narratives instead of hard empirical data could lead to dangerous wishful thinking, especially in military planning. So how do we balance psychological insights with the cold reality of Russia’s remaining industrial and human capacity?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 I don’t think Ukraine is acting emotionally. I’m not talking about our personal experiences of spending nights in bomb shelters. I’m talking about the decisions made by our military leadership and the people responsible for strategy. If you simply look at Ukraine’s actions, you see a clear pattern. One by one, Russian oil refineries have been taken out of operation. It now appears that eight out of nine major facilities are no longer functioning properly, creating a severe fuel crisis inside Russia. That is strategically important because the Russian military is one of the largest consumers of fuel. Tanks, trucks, aircraft, logistics\u2014everything depends on gasoline and diesel. <\/p>\n

At the same time, oil and gas revenues have always been one of the pillars of the Russian federal budget. They cannot export these products as before, they cannot generate the same income, and they are even reaching the point where they may soon need to import gasoline from India. Recently, Kazakhstan even provided humanitarian fuel assistance to Russia. Just think about what that says.<\/p>\n

So Ukraine has systematically targeted the sectors that matter most. First, oil and gas that sustain both the Russian military and the state budget. Then drone strikes on military facilities in cities such as Moscow and St. Petersburg, which also disrupt everyday life by grounding flights and creating uncertainty among the population. Russians can compare their lives in 2023 with life in 2026, and they see that conditions have clearly deteriorated. This is strategic pressure.<\/p>\n

People often ask why Ukraine doesn’t simply bomb the Kremlin or destroy symbolic targets. Personally, of course, I would love to see that happen, but I also understand that from a military perspective it is far less important than destroying facilities that actually produce weapons. Many viewers may never have heard about the semiconductor plant that Ukraine recently struck in Voronezh, if I remember correctly. That factory produced critical electronic components used in various types of Russian missiles. By destroying one factory, Ukraine disrupted missile production across multiple weapons systems. That saves lives. This is what strategy looks like.<\/p>\n

The same applies to the campaign against oil refineries and the gradual isolation of Crimea by dismantling Russian logistics. Ukraine is weakening Russia’s already fragile economy step by step. None of this is emotional. It is calculated strategic planning. Ironically, it is the Kremlin that increasingly behaves emotionally. The terrorist attacks on Kyiv, including last night’s strike that killed thirty civilians, destroyed homes, and even killed pets, are driven by rage rather than military logic. I hate the fact that every time you record a video, the death toll changes by the next morning\u2014and always for the worse.<\/p>\n

But if we set emotions aside for a moment, how exactly does this help Russia win? It doesn’t. Russia hopes that by terrorizing civilians Ukrainians will eventually take to the streets demanding that President Zelenskyy surrender. That will never happen. The effect is exactly the opposite.<\/p>\n

I remember leaving the bomb shelter this morning. Despite the smoke in the sky, it was a beautiful dawn. Everyone who had spent the night underground together shared these exhausted but genuine smiles. You look around and you feel that these are your people. I often try to explain this feeling in my videos. Kyiv gave me that sense of belonging. I compare it with what we see inside Russia, where people fight each other in gasoline queues. These are fundamentally different experiences. Russians simply cannot understand us. They cannot decode Ukrainian society, and that is why they continue making strategic mistakes.<\/p>\n

So despite all the tragedies they have inflicted upon us, Ukraine continues to think strategically, while Russia increasingly acts out of emotion and terror. That only exposes the true nature of the Kremlin regime while simultaneously weakening it. I don’t think Ukrainians are being overly optimistic. We know perfectly well that this war will continue, that there will be many more difficult nights, and that Russia will invent new ways to attack us. But when we compare ourselves today with who we were in 2022, we are stronger. We know what needs to be done. Our society is far more realistic about the situation. We remain united, and, perhaps most importantly, we no longer see ourselves as small, powerless people. Ironically, that is exactly how many Russians now describe themselves.<\/p>\n

\u2014 I like the way you describe things, and I really love your emotional way of talking about serious things. But you just said, “I am devil’s advocate,” which I’m not being here in Ukraine. You just introduced yourself twice that way. Twice. But I was playing devil’s advocate. Now you’ve turned me into thinking, I mean, I couldn’t be more pro-Ukrainian, being here for five years, you know, for four and a half working in Kyiv and also on the front line.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Are you telling me now that the recent attack, the recent wave of terror that the Kremlin unleashed onto Kyiv, mostly on Kyiv, is panic in Moscow? Is the regime panicking?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u2014 Yeah, 100%. First of all, let me be emotional and also thank you for the choice you’ve made because, as a Ukrainian, I didn’t think a lot. It’s just my home, so I stay here. And I’m forever grateful to you and other people who keep coming and keep staying in Ukraine because that’s your choice.<\/p>\n

You can choose different things, better things, safer things, but you choose to be here. And hopefully this experience will also bring you a lot of good things and make you stronger and happier. And I’m not talking just about you. I’m also talking about a lot of people who keep coming here as volunteers and soldiers or simply watch us, share these videos, and ask their questions, that they choose this discomfort of knowing the truth, which sometimes is very difficult, like the photos from the attacks.<\/p>\n

But at the same time, they don’t like this comfort, and they want to know the truth. And I do agree that this is an example of panic. They also believe that this will lead to some protests maybe happening or Ukrainians wanting to surrender. They simply do not read our… I don’t know how do you describe that… our mentality.<\/p>\n

This is exactly what tricked Putin at the beginning of the invasion when they thought this would be a parade with Ukrainians missing them. And somehow their mistakes do not teach them. They do not want to have a closer look and understand that, well, maybe they are not like us. We also have our weaknesses, our flaws, but they simply cannot find them, and they make grave mistakes.<\/p>\n

Terrorism is, unfortunately, a strategy that the Kremlin always uses when they are losing. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

For example, the Second Chechen War, that many international experts do not take into account. But when I interview some leaders of free nations in the Russian Federation\u2014I mean, outside the Russian Federation, hoping for its dissolution\u2014they always speak about the Chechen War, and that was a very important turning point in modern Russian history that suppressed a lot of freedom movements.<\/p>\n

The Kremlin lost the First Chechen War, and then they returned. And the second one was not war. It was pure terrorism when they bombed distant villages in the mountains, killing hundreds of thousands of civilians. They apply similar tactics here, with one very big difference.<\/p>\n

Fortunately, we’ve learned the experience. We are a big country, and such tactics literally cannot apply. People do have where to hide. You see that more and more. For example, people in Kyiv go to the underground, and that’s wise. More and more people follow the advice that the ministries or the government give us.<\/p>\n

Also, it is 2026, when it’s easier to attract the attention of the world, to mobilize people, to learn new technologies. We are a big country.<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=qagmHsshevk\n<\/div><\/figure>\n

Read also:<\/strong> Between Ruin and Revival: Ukraine\u2019s Sacred Heritage and the Legacy of Empire<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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